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Irish Actor Ben Keaton of 'Father Ted' Dies at 69
Culturethe-journalnme3h ago2 sources

Irish Actor Ben Keaton of 'Father Ted' Dies at 69

Tributes are being paid following the death of actor Ben Keaton, known for his role as Father Austin in 'Father Ted,' as well as starring in 'Emmerdale,' 'Doctors,' and 'Casualty,' at the age of 69. Mr Keaton began his career as a comedian and was the founder of Creative Academy.

Polish Judge Rules Russian Archaeologist Can Be Extradited to Ukraine for Crimea Trial
WorldBBCNYTThe Guardian+20Al Jazeerayle-uutisethelsingin-sanomatukrainska-pravdaaftonbladetberlingskele-figarosvenska-dagbladet+12 more4d ago23 sources

Polish Judge Rules Russian Archaeologist Can Be Extradited to Ukraine for Crimea Trial

A Polish judge has ruled that Russian archaeologist Alexander Butyagin can be extradited to Ukraine, where he is accused of conducting illegal excavations in Crimea, a peninsula annexed by Russia. Ukraine's Foreign Ministry has welcomed the decision.

‘My dear son’: the Ukrainian soldier who came back from the dead
WorldThe Guardian8d ago

‘My dear son’: the Ukrainian soldier who came back from the dead

In 2023, what were thought to be Nazar Daletskyi’s remains were buried in his home village and his mother, Nataliia, visited the grave every week. Three years later, he spoke to her on the phone Nazar Daletskyi was declared dead in May 2023. The DNA match left no room for doubt, officials told his mother, Nataliia. A Ukrainian soldier who volunteered for the front in the early weeks of the war, Nazar had become one more casualty of Russia’s invasion. Nazar’s remains were laid to rest in the c...

US Investigation Points to US Responsibility in Iran School Strike
WorldReutersglobe-and-mailSCMP+4cyprus-mailDawnjerusalem-postexpress-tribune17d ago7 sources

US Investigation Points to US Responsibility in Iran School Strike

Sources indicate a US investigation is likely to confirm US responsibility for a strike on an Iranian school, which could be one of the worst civilian casualty incidents in decades of US conflicts in the Middle East.

Pete Hegseth says US is ‘investigating’ deadly strike on girls’ school in Iran
WorldThe Guardian19d ago

Pete Hegseth says US is ‘investigating’ deadly strike on girls’ school in Iran

US defense secretary was evasive when asked about the airstrike that Iranian officials say killed at least 165 students Minab school bombing: how the worst mass casualty event of the Iran war unfolded – a visual guide Pete Hegseth, the US defense secretary, offered few details and was evasive when asked about the deadly strike on a girls’ school in Iran, saying only that the US was “investigating” the incident. Iranian officials say the attack, which happened on Saturday, killed at least 16...

The shutdown of USAID and the deeper crisis behind it
PoliticsDawn1mo ago

The shutdown of USAID and the deeper crisis behind it

“Why did you start driving inDrive?” It’s my go-to icebreaker with drivers in Pakistan. Lately, the answers have been unsettlingly similar. “I used to work in the development sector,” one man told me. “Then I lost my job.” I’ve heard that line — or a version of it — too many times to dismiss as coincidence. Since the United States pulled the plug on its aid apparatus, the fallout has been immediate. On the surface, the shutdown of USAID is being framed as just another abrupt policy reversal — a bureaucratic casualty in an era of disruption. But look closer, and it reveals something far more profound: the cumulative weight of domestic and international tensions that have been simmering, both within and beyond the US for decades. Cycles of aid, cycles of distrust The first source of strain lies beyond US borders. From its inception as a Cold War instrument, American foreign aid has been shaped by an enduring tension between its declared objectives of development and altruism and its underlying strategic and political calculations. This duality has long been apparent to the recipient elites and the broader public alike. During the Cold War, many governments acquiesced, in part because Western donors faced little competition and alternative sources of assistance were scarce. That landscape has since changed. As non-traditional donors, most notably China and the Gulf states, have expanded their presence, and as domestic political incentives within recipient countries have shifted, scepticism toward USAID has become more explicit and politically salient. In countries such as Pakistan, where mistrust of American intentions runs deep, US assistance is often perceived less as generosity than as intrusion. What is now framed as a backlash against American aid is better understood as the culmination of a long-simmering tension and a legacy of mutual misperceptions between donor and recipient. Pakistan’s experience with US foreign aid agency illustrates this dynamic with particular clarity. American assistance to Pakistan has never been linear or predictable; instead, it has unfolded in cycles closely attuned to Washington’s shifting strategic priorities. During the Cold War, aid was channelled primarily through a security-alliance framework aimed at containing the Soviet bloc, with economic assistance tightly coupled to military cooperation. These flows declined sharply after the 1965 war, reinforcing perceptions of US aid as conditional, transactional, and reversible. Another peak in this equation followed in the 1980s, when General Ziaul Haq aligned Pakistan with the US in opposing Soviet expansion in Afghanistan. Yet with the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the subsequent imposition of US sanctions on Pakistan’s nuclear programme under the Pressler Amendment, assistance once again contracted. It was only after 9/11 that the aid surged anew, this time framed around counterterrorism and stabilisation. Even at its height, however, much of this assistance remained shaped by security imperatives, short funding horizons, and heavy reliance on contractors, rather than long-term institution-building. For many Pakistanis, therefore, the shutdown of USAID feels less like an abrupt rupture than the latest turn in a familiar cycle of engagement and disengagement. The second factor is bureaucratic pathologisation. Like many large organisations, aid agencies are susceptible to institutional dysfunction, and USAID has been no exception. In practice, particularly in contexts such as Pakistan, as commissioner on the Afghanistan War Commission Andrew Wilder has noted, its programmes increasingly came to be structured through a security lens rather than a development one. Key decisions were made in Washington, filtered through multiple layers of contractors, and ultimately deployed on the ground with limited scope for local input. At the same time, bureaucratic incentives privileged projects with easily quantifiable indicators, favouring what could be measured over what was substantively effective. These patterns were neither accidental nor new, nor are they unique to the US. Over time, however, they eroded both the legitimacy and the perceived effectiveness of USAID, among recipients abroad and critics at home. These institutional dynamics had tangible consequences on the ground. In Pakistan, USAID funding became heavily concentrated in sectors aligned with stabilisation and security objectives — such as service delivery in so-called “fragile” districts or rapid-impact infrastructure — often at the expense of slower, politically unglamorous investments in local institutional capacity. NGOs and development professionals structured entire career paths around USAID project cycles, only to see those opportunities vanish when priorities shifted or funding was abruptly frozen. The result was a hollowing out of local expertise and institutional memory. When aid was withdrawn, it left behind far fewer durable institutions than its scale and visibility might have led one to expect. The mismatch between stated development objectives and the underlying security logic was further compounded by an overreliance on quantifiable metrics to demonstrate impact. This tendency was reinforced by a development ecosystem shaped by the overproduction of economists and political scientists trained as methodological specialists rather than regional experts. Programmes designed in Washington often prioritised what could be easily counted — number of schools built, clinics refurbished, trainings delivered, or kilometres of roads completed — over whether such interventions meaningfully strengthened local institutions. In Pakistan, this logic was especially evident in sectors such as education, health, and local governance, where projects were assessed primarily through output indicators rather than sustainability or local ownership. Multiple layers of contractors further diluted accountability and blurred responsibility once funding cycles ended. Over time, this produced a paradox: USAID became both omnipresent and poorly understood — associated with large budgets and extensive reporting, but yielding limited and uneven institutional impact. That credibility gap left the agency especially exposed when domestic political support in the US began to erode. The third major factor behind the dismantling of the aid lies in the domestic backlash within the US against international cooperation. Opposition to foreign aid, multilateralism, and international institutions long predates Donald Trump, reflecting decades of polarisation over globalisation and America’s role in the world. By the time Trump entered office, hostility toward international engagement was already deeply embedded in US politics. In this context, shuttering a highly visible aid agency became a potent domestic signal; it becomes a way to demonstrate responsiveness to voters who view global commitments as costly, wasteful, or illegitimate. Dismantling USAID was therefore less a recalibration of foreign policy than an act of domestic political theatre. The US government’s official justification for shutting down USAID frames the move as a response to “China’s exploitative aid model” and a means of advancing American “strategic interests in key regions around the world”. It is true that China has dramatically expanded its development footprint and largely operates outside the traditional Western aid framework. But that explanation doesn’t hold up to deeper scrutiny. If Washington were genuinely seeking to compete with Beijing in the development arena, the more coherent response would have been reform and reinvestment, not withdrawal. Moreover, Chinese and US aid are not direct substitutes. They target different sectors, rely on distinct instruments, and frequently operate alongside one another in the same countries — Pakistan among them — without displacing each other. In Pakistan, Chinese assistance has concentrated on large-scale infrastructure and energy projects, while USAID has focused primarily on education and health. Chinese aid typically flows through bilateral, government-to-government channels, whereas US assistance has often bypassed the Pakistani state, working instead through NGOs and contractors. China’s rise may well be sharpening anxieties in Washington, but it does not, on its own, explain why the US would choose to erode its own institutional capacity in response. A looming domino effect The shutdown of USAID, then, should not be understood as a one-off policy blunder or an idiosyncratic choice tied to a single administration. Rather, it reflects the convergence of long-accumulating tensions: between the professed ideals and strategic deployment of aid abroad; between development objectives and bureaucratic practices within aid agencies; between international commitments and domestic political incentives at home. USAID’s collapse is best understood not as the cause of these pressures, but as their most visible manifestation. The consequences of this decision extend well beyond the fate of a single agency. They reveal the fragility of the broader international aid regime, which ultimately depends on the willingness of a small number of leading powers to absorb the political and financial costs of institutionalised cooperation. When that willingness erodes, institutions lose both credibility and purpose and eventually collapse. Signs of this erosion are already evident, as other major donors, including the United Kingdom and Germany, begin to scale back their own aid commitments. What is at stake, then, is not merely the dismantling of USAID, but the gradual unravelling of an international aid regime built on mutual trust and a sustained commitment to lifting the world’s poorest out of poverty.

Ray Dalio Calls Strait of Hormuz 'America's Final Battle'
WorldNYTThe Guardiancnbc+4The IndependentYahooirish-independentin-cyprus4d ago7 sources

Ray Dalio Calls Strait of Hormuz 'America's Final Battle'

Billionaire investor Ray Dalio has described the Strait of Hormuz conflict as America's "final battle," with prediction markets offering insights into its potential duration.

Casualty Tracker: US-Israel war on Iran
WorldRappler6d ago

Casualty Tracker: US-Israel war on Iran

With the conflict now involving several countries, the primary challenge remains in the sustainability of regional air defenses against a persistent cycle of strikes

Missile and Drone Attacks Target United Arab Emirates
Worldmorgunbladid7d ago

Missile and Drone Attacks Target United Arab Emirates

Missile and drone attacks were carried out across the United Arab Emirates today, disrupting travel at Dubai Airport and causing a fire at a critical oil facility in the eastern part of the country, with one civilian casualty reported.

EU Extends Sanctions Against Russia
WorldBBCle-mondeukrainska-pravda+14aftonbladetlsm-lvsvenska-dagbladetirozhlasorftelexel-mundodelfi-lt+6 more8d ago17 sources

EU Extends Sanctions Against Russia

The European Union announced the extension of sanctions targeting 2,600 Russian individuals and entities, with reports also mentioning a Slovak retreat.

Emergency in Abu Dhabi: Fire breaks out at Al Mushrif construction site, police and civil defence rush in
WorldTimes of India9d ago

Emergency in Abu Dhabi: Fire breaks out at Al Mushrif construction site, police and civil defence rush in

Abu Dhabi emergency teams swiftly contained a fire at an Al Mushrif construction site storing building materials on Saturday evening. The blaze, which posed no immediate casualty reports, prompted authorities to urge the public against spreading unverified information. Investigations into the cause are ongoing, with the incident occurring amidst heightened regional tensions.

War on the poor
WorldDawn10d ago

War on the poor

IF truth is the first casualty in war, then the biggest casualty is almost always the poor. This is as true in the warzone itself — Iran and the Gulf countries — as here in Pakistan. The petrol bomb has already wreaked havoc, but what if a poor family forced to deal with what is effectively a cost of living crisis had to deal with their home being demolished? The story I narrate here is of the federal capital, and one that I have written about on these pages before. The protagonist is the Cap...

Pakistan–Afghanistan war: Kabul launches drone strikes; Islamabad claims no casualties
WorldcnbcTimes of India24d ago2 sources

Pakistan–Afghanistan war: Kabul launches drone strikes; Islamabad claims no casualties

Afghanistan launched drone strikes on Pakistan military sites. This action followed Pakistani airstrikes in Afghan border areas. Fighting is ongoing in the Torkham border region. Both nations report different casualty figures. International bodies urge both countries to cease hostilities and pursue diplomatic solutions. Previous border clashes were resolved through mediation.

The first casualty of the Iran War
Worldobservador9d ago

The first casualty of the Iran War

The Iran War had not yet begun and there was already a casualty. It was not a ship, a fighter jet, a brigade. It was a country and an ally: Spain. Not on the battlefield but in the silent inventory of trust.

MSM could be a war casualty
Worldhindu11d ago

MSM could be a war casualty

As Western mainstream media toes the state line during wars, social media and independent journalists challenge propaganda, filling the information gap

PGA Awards Postpones Tonight’s Children’s & Sports NYC Ceremony Amid Blizzard
Culturedeadline28d ago

PGA Awards Postpones Tonight’s Children’s & Sports NYC Ceremony Amid Blizzard

Here’s the latest casualty of the bomb cyclone gripping the Northeast this week. The Producers Guild of America has postponed tonight’s PGA Awards ceremony in New York that was to honor the winners in its Children’s and Sports categories. Instead, those winners will be revealed Thursday along with the recipients of the Short Form and […]

The Fragility of Democracy
Opinionin-cyprus29d ago

The Fragility of Democracy

A piece from Cyprus reflects on the vulnerability of democracy, drawing on past experiences in the House of Representatives and warning that democracy itself could be the first casualty.