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INEC Raises Alarm Over Litigation and Internal Crises in Political Parties
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Bulgarian Parties Call for Security Council Meeting Amid Middle East Tensions
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Nigerian Election Commission Overhauls Party Guidelines for 2027 Elections
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2027: INEC overhauls party guidelines to align with Electoral Act 2026
By Omeiza Ajayi ABUJA: As part of efforts to fortify Nigeria’s democratic foundation, the Independent National Electoral Commission INEC has launched a comprehensive technical review of its regulations for political parties. This exercise aims to synchronize the Commission’s framework with the recently enacted Electoral Act 2026, ensuring legal clarity and operational integrity well before the […]
The post 2027: INEC overhauls party guidelines to align with Electoral Act 2026 appeared first o...

Portuguese Political Tensions: Chega and AD Divorce Imminent?
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PM Tarique urges parties to pledge efforts to change people’s fate
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Czech Post-Election Dynamics and New Political Parties
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Montenegrin Opposition Criticizes Proposed Security Law Changes
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Portuguese Political Parties Struggle to Agree on Judicial and State Council Appointments
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Indian Supreme Court seeks response on plea to cap poll expenses
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Slovenian Parties Present Economic Measures for Modern Industrial Policy
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Portuguese Parties Push to Increase Funeral Support for Children
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Greek Political Parties Discuss Progressive Alliance and Labor Strikes
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Macedonian State Audit Office Reports Parties Struggle with Old Debts and Unregulated Membership Fees
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Kosovo Parties Struggle to Agree on Presidential Candidate
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Slovak Political Parties Announce Close Cooperation
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Brief Letters: Kenneth Williams and Racist Attitudes
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French Opposition Parties File No-Confidence Motions Against Government
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US Ambassador Sparks Controversy in Belgium Over 'Corrupt' Politicians Remark
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Swedish Political Parties' Voter Trust and EU Stance
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Belgian Parties Accuse MR President Bouchez of Drifting Towards Far-Right
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Worldn1-serbiadanas10d ago2 sources Missing Teenager Found Dead in Zrenjanin, Serbia
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South Korea Begins 100-Day Countdown to 2026 Local Elections
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Matt Taibbi: Epstein Files Are "Uniquely Destructive" To Both Political Parties
Matt Taibbi: Epstein Files Are "Uniquely Destructive" To Both Political Parties
Submitted by QTR's Fringe Finance
This week I interviewed Matt Taibbi at a moment when, as he put it, “this is a pretty weird time.” He had just learned that his outlet, Racket News, had been investigated by the British government using what he described as “human intelligence sources and all kinds of crazy stuff.”
“It’s been pretty weird,” he told me. What struck him most was how normalized this kind of pressure has become. Governments, he said, now routinely “hire out private intelligence firms and private PR firms to devise strategies to undermine negative press.” If you’re doing adversarial reporting, he added, “you’ll get swept up in this. So you probably have been, you just don’t know it.”
From there, we moved into the Epstein story, which has become a political third rail. I asked him whether bipartisan silence around certain issues should worry people. Taibbi said most of what happens in Washington is already bipartisan; the public just doesn’t see it. “The thing that we call the news,” he said, is “a sliver of disagreement” between parties. The rest—“98% of the business that’s done there”—happens with quiet agreement.
On the Epstein files, he argued that both parties miscalculated. The Trump camp, he said, built expectations around full transparency and then stumbled. “Dumping tons of stuff out without any context tends to have a lot of unintended consequences,” he said. The result has been politically damaging across the board.
He also pushed back on some of the public narrative. The fascination with Epstein, he said, rests on three assumptions: that Epstein worked for intelligence, that he ran a vast trafficking ring, and that the two were connected through political blackmail. “There’s an abundance of evidence” of serious sexual crimes, he acknowledged. But on the intelligence-blackmail theory, “there’s nothing that puts it all together and says that’s what was happening. It could, but it’s just not there yet.”
What he does see is a slow-burn release strategy. “You’ll notice that they never fully release everything,” he told me. “It’s like Zeno’s paradox. We’re never going to get all the way to the wall with this.” Each new tranche fuels public demand and media frenzy, with the promise that the next batch might contain the “kill shot” that takes down someone powerful.
We then shifted to New York politics and the rise of Zohran Mamdani. Taibbi sees his early proposals—like raising property taxes—as predictable. If state-level backing doesn’t materialize, he suggested, the Democratic Party may distance itself. “The Democratic Party has decided not to back this horse,” he said. In his view, the party faces a structural dilemma: a base that is moving left out of economic frustration, and a national electoral map that may not tolerate that shift.
He connected that frustration to student debt and monetary policy. When I brought up inflation and deficit spending, he traced the arc back to post-2008 policies and the explosion of quantitative easing. “All you’re doing is accelerating inequality on the one hand,” he said, “and you’re raising the debt burden for everybody else.” The result, he argued, is a generation that feels locked out of homeownership and upward mobility.
On immigration and recent ICE enforcement actions, Taibbi resisted simple partisanship. He said he found neighborhood sweeps and masked agents “scary,” comparing aspects of the approach to “an enhanced federal version of stop and frisk.” At the same time, he criticized the ideological shift that made even basic border enforcement seem taboo. “It’s not like having borders is inherently xenophobic,” he said. “It’s just a part of governance. Part of being a nation.”
At the end of the conversation, Taibbi outlined changes at Racket News. He said he had “basically fired” himself as editor-in-chief and brought in new leadership to refocus on document-based investigations. The site, he told me, is doubling down on FOIA-driven reporting and digging into stories like expansive FBI investigations and the British controversy now touching his own outlet.
The through line of our discussion was less about left versus right than about institutions under strain—media, parties, law enforcement, and financial systems alike. Taibbi’s core warning was that much of what truly matters happens in the bipartisan shadows, while the public argues over the sliver that makes it onto cable news.
(WATCH THE FULL VIDEO INTERVIEW WITH MATT HERE).
Tyler Durden
Fri, 02/20/2026 - 10:00

PoliticsFox NewsYahoozerohedge+1Tehran Times15d ago4 sources When Both Sides Go Quiet
When Both Sides Go Quiet
Submitted by QTR's Fringe Finance
There is a political instinct that I’ve developed over the last few decade or so: when both parties are shouting, it’s business as usual. When both parties go quiet, pay attention, because something ugly is probably getting passed or covered up, and the American taxpayer is likely footing the bill of consequences.
Few public controversies in recent memory have generated as much bipartisan distrust as the handling of the Epstein files. Republicans accused Democrats of failing to pursue full transparency while President Biden was in office. Now Democrats accuse Republicans of withholding or slow-walking the release of the complete records. The blame shifts with political control, but the underlying fact pattern remains the same: both parties have figures of influence whose names have surfaced in connection with Epstein’s orbit.
That reality complicates the politics of accountability and fuels public suspicion that neither side is entirely comfortable with full disclosure.
What should have been a straightforward matter of transparency, identifying networks of power, influence, and possible criminal complicity, has instead unfolded as a slow humiliating drip of redactions, procedural delays, partial disclosures and cagey congressional testimony. Each release seems to raise more questions than it resolves. These questions revolve around sex trafficking, exploitation, abuse of minors, coercion and manipulation, elite complicity, obstruction of justice, etc.
But the deeper damage taking place now is not only about the crimes associated with Jeffrey Epstein. It is about institutional response. If only one political party had meaningful exposure to the scandal, the other would likely have been far more relentless in demanding transparency. But this is different. Despite Democrats harping on the files now, they were quiet in the years prior to Trump’s second term and, because Epstein’s connections span media, finance, academia, and politics, the discomfort still appears bipartisan.
And that is precisely what unsettles me.
When both political parties fail to press aggressively on something meaningful, especially something morally explosive, it often suggests that the issue cuts deeper than surface narratives allow. Bipartisan hesitation can signal overlapping vulnerability. Silence across the aisle is rarely accidental.
The horror here is not just what may have occurred in private circles of power, but the perception that the institutions tasked with accountability are reluctant to fully illuminate it. Justice delayed in cases involving elites feels less like procedural caution and more like reputational risk management. Whether or not that perception is entirely fair, it is corrosive.
Meanwhile, Goldman Sachs’ chief legal officer Kathryn Ruemmler announced her resignation after new emails with Epstein came to light, prompting internal pressure at the firm. British political figure Peter Mandelson resigned from the House of Lords and the Labour Party, and Scotland Yard has opened a criminal investigation into his ties with Epstein. In Norway, parliament has launched an external inquiry into prominent diplomats for their connections to Epstein, and police are investigating corruption allegations against former prime minister Thorbjørn Jagland and others.
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Across Europe, these disclosures have triggered formal probes, resignations, and institutional reviews that contrast sharply with the relative lack of accountability for high-profile figures in the United States, where calls for investigations and resignations have largely stalled. I mean, is Les Wexner really allowed to just walk around free at this point? How can that be possible? How are Kimbal Musk and Elon Musk allowed to remain on Tesla’s board? Why isn’t Bill Gates being hauled in front of congress?
I have long argued that Americans should apply the same “when both parties agree, the American public is getting screwed” scrutiny to monetary policy for a similar reason. It is one of the few areas where both major political parties display remarkable convergence. While they wage visible battles over cultural issues and tax rates, they tend to align on central banking frameworks, large scale liquidity interventions, and deficit tolerance. Like other cover-ups, that alignment deserves examination.
Monetary policy operates largely outside daily partisan warfare, yet it shapes purchasing power, asset prices, debt burdens, and wealth distribution. When balance sheets expand aggressively and markets are repeatedly stabilized during downturns, the effects are uneven. Asset holders often benefit first and most. Meanwhile, wage earners experience the lagging side effects such as inflationary pressure, higher living costs, and diminished purchasing power.
Supporters of Modern Monetary Theory argue that sovereign currency systems provide more fiscal flexibility than traditionally assumed. Critics counter that, in practice, repeated interventions risk entrenching a cycle in which gains are privatized and losses are socialized. When markets rise, the wealth effect accrues to those with substantial exposure. When markets falter, public backstops prevent collapse. The middle class absorbs the inflationary residue. And the wealth gap widens:
The structural similarity matters. When both parties avoid aggressive debate on a policy that materially burdens the average American, it raises the same instinctive question of what incentives are being protected. Monetary policy may not carry the visceral grotesqueness of the Epstein scandal, but it carries long term economic consequences that most Americans don’t know they are bearing, and don’t understand that they are being lied to about.
The comparison is not moral equivalence. It is structural parallel. In one case, alleged networks of power may be shielded by mutual hesitation. In the other, a financial architecture persists with limited democratic scrutiny because challenging it would destabilize shared political comfort. In both cases, bipartisan alignment dampens confrontation. Two forms of silence. Two different domains. Both revealing.
Foreign policy, particularly the authorization and funding of wars, has often followed a similar pattern. While domestic issues produce loud partisan divides, military interventions abroad frequently pass with overwhelming support from leadership in both parties. Public debate may flare at the margins, but institutional consensus tends to solidify quickly once action begins.
History shows that major military engagements, from post 9/11 authorizations to prolonged overseas conflicts, have often been backed by broad congressional majorities. The initial votes are decisive. The funding continues year after year. Only later, when costs mount and public opinion shifts, does meaningful dissent emerge. By then, strategic commitments and financial obligations are deeply entrenched.
Again, the pattern is not about moral equivalence between policy domains. It is about incentives. When both political parties converge quickly on matters involving immense money, immense power, or immense liability, scrutiny tends to narrow rather than widen. And when scrutiny narrows at the highest levels, the public’s role shifts from participant to spectator.
When both political parties fail to address something meaningful, when they close ranks instead of competing for exposure, the public should not assume the issue is trivial. More often, it suggests the truth behind the surface may be larger and more consequential than advertised.
Democracies depend not just on disagreement, but on adversarial pressure. When that pressure disappears, citizens are right to lean in, not tune out. When both sides go quiet, the story is rarely over. As the Epstein files are showing, it may simply run far deeper than we are being shown.
Now read:
Today's Epstein’s Records Destroy Official Narratives
Our Liquidity Addiction Continues
Do DOJ Docs Show Epstein Death Notice A Day Early?
The Hijacking Of Bitcoin: Epstein’s Hidden Network
Why America’s Two-Party System Will Never Threaten the True Political Elites
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The publisher does not guarantee the accuracy or completeness of the information provided in this page. These are not the opinions of any of my employers, partners, or associates. I did my best to be honest about my disclosures but can’t guarantee I am right; I write these posts after a couple beers sometimes. I edit after my posts are published because I’m impatient and lazy, so if you see a typo, check back in a half hour. Also, I just straight up get shit wrong a lot. I mention it twice because it’s that important.
Tyler Durden
Tue, 02/17/2026 - 14:00

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Eye of the storm
IT has been a worrying week for the PTI as the news about Imran Khan’s health became public and dominated news headlines and private conversations. From the sketchy information that came out initially, it appeared that he had some problem with his eye and has lost up to 85 per cent of his vision in that eye. This was reported by lawyer Salman Safdar, after his court-appointed visit to Khan at Adiala jail, though there had been news reports about the matter earlier. According to Safdar, the percentage was communicated to Khan by the doctors who examined him.
The government’s earlier reaction appeared a bit inexplicable. It took the government days to confirm the problem, after it had been reported in the media. And then it did nothing while the Supreme Court woke up to take notice, sending Safdar to the jail. Over the weekend, there were reports that a team of doctors had been sent to the jail to examine him, while his family and personal doctors continued to wait for access. As the family and party refused to accept the government’s decision of giving access to only certain individuals (rather than the family being allowed to choose the person) the examination was carried out at the jail by doctors without any relative present.
The party is trying to build up pressure through protests and sit-ins, which seems to cause no sleepless nights to the government. This is so despite reports that KP is cut off from the rest of the country. The PTI is getting criticised for this though it is hard to understand why the federal government is ignoring it.
To return to Adiala, this is a good time for a reminder that health issues, especially of imprisoned political prisoners, should not be downplayed or treated lightly. For this reason, the government should provide all help possible to Khan; this includes allowing his family and personal doctors access to him, so they can take decisions on his health, instead of the government making the call on which experts should conduct the examination and which family members can be present. This reeks of callousness.
The reports of Khan’s ill health have added fuel to the talk of a probable deal.
However, there is a political angle to this entire crisis. The reports of Khan’s ill health have added fuel to the talk of a probable deal or ‘dheel’, as it seems to share some parallels with the platelets issue which allowed Nawaz Sharif to be freed and flown to London. In fact, the question being asked again and again in Islamabad is if this is Platelets 2, implying that some backroom deal is being worked out.
It is important to point out that the rumours did not just emerge as a result of health worries but also because of the events of the past couple of weeks where the cooperation between the federal and provincial governments improved. Once this happened, the allegations of drugs and other criminal activities directed at Chief Minister Sohail Afridi gave way to praise for his cooperation with Islamabad. So once the reports of the illness emerged, it simply lent credence to rumours that something was cooking.
At the moment, it is hard for those of us who live away from Constitution Avenue to comment on these rumours with any authority. And because I would like to feel better about my ignorance, perhaps some of those living on Constitution Avenue may also be as ill-informed as the rest of us mortals.
Despite this, there is much support for the idea of a deal. For many within the PTI think it would provide respite to Khan and others and allow them to bide their time for a return to power (as in the case of other politicians in the past). On the government side, it is seen as a way to bring some stability to the situation, allowing the focus to remain on the economy.
But all of this ignores a larger issue, beyond the comfort of those in power and in the opposition. In other words, beyond the level of high politics, where the players tend to be the establishment, the parties and individuals, what will this deal bring to dissatisfied people who have been feeding into the popularity and stature of Khan? Indeed, it is this anger which has resurrected Khan and the PTI each time a fatal blow has been struck in the direction of the party in what is ‘high politics’. Be it the forcible exits from the PTI of the more well-known faces or the decision to deprive the party of its symbol — popular support for it has ensured that none of these steps proved sufficient.
So it is perhaps worth asking what the impact of such a ‘deal’ would be. Suppose the deal does disillusion the supporters of Khan and undermines his popularity in a way similar to Nawaz Sharif and the PML-N. (The economy and its poor performance landed the second blow on N’s popularity.) And then what options will be left for the people to still stay engaged in electoral politics. Will they opt for other, smaller political parties? Or will they look around for more radical options?
The point here is that the establishment needs to realise that it not going to be enough to win over politicians to its side; this is not what will make the system more stable. For the system to be more stable, it is not enough to quieten politicians such as Sharif or Khan and then revel in the decline of their popularity. For real stability, the anger of the people will have to be understood and then addressed through a more equitable economic system and by giving them a voice. Instead of focusing on high politics, it might help if for once attention were paid to the level at which people operate and exist. After all, electoral politics in Balochistan was tamed some time ago, but stability continues to be elusive.
The writer is a journalist.
Published in Dawn, February 17th, 2026
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